Arbeit Zukunft | January 3, 2026 | Translated for the Red Phoenix by Misha G.–
With its recently published National Security Strategy (NSS), the US government makes it clear that it intends to counter narratives of the decline of US imperialism. This document is not a security policy document, but rather a document of imperialist reorientation in a phase of intensified global competition, aimed at securing the hegemony of US imperialism.
The strategy focuses on maintaining influence in Europe and the Americas, expanding power in the Indo-Pacific region, strengthening its position in Asia, and controlling energy sources and transportation routes in the Middle East.
The notion that Trump’s “America First” represents a groundbreaking departure from previous imperialist policies overlooks the fact that domestic and foreign policy in capitalism are intrinsically connected. The strategy document clearly demonstrates that the US is not withdrawing from other countries, as Trump has claimed, but rather adapting its instruments to new conditions. The NSS 2025 consolidates and systematizes the approach that Trump and JD Vance had previously outlined before in their various Tweets and Tirades.
Break with neoliberal globalization policies
The strategy marks a deliberate break with the neoliberal globalization policies of the post-Cold War era. This break is neither merely ideological nor an expression of Trump’s personal preferences and machinations, but rather the result of shifting class interests. While the global opening and reorganization of production after WWII to create US economic domination throughout the world after the great fall of importance of other European imperialist powers, strengthened US capital for a long time, it led domestically to deindustrialization, regional inequalities, and social disintegration.
Crucially, from the perspective of US capital, globalization no longer generates a clear profit, but instead strengthens geopolitical rivals, especially China. This development has pushed segments of the US bourgeoisie into a camp critical of globalization.
Division within the ruling class – relationship with Russia and China
Since 2016, Trump has embodied a wing of the US bourgeoisie that advocates a shift in the confrontational strategy: reducing tensions with Russia, disengaging Russia from China, and then focusing on China. This contrasts with the approach championed by Clinton, Biden, and many European governments, which sought to escalate tensions with both Russia and China simultaneously, waging a cold and, if necessary, a hot war against both.
The new security strategy clearly follows this new strategy. The answer to the question of whether the US can combat both rivals at the same time is no. Thus the solution is peace with Russia in order to more effectively confront China. The reaction from Moscow was correspondingly positive. Russia described the new strategy as “largely in line with Moscow’s views.” Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov stated that he hoped this strategic shift would guarantee that both countries could work together to resolve the Ukraine issue.
The growing confrontations with China under Trump makes this change of course most evident. China has grown into a competitor that challenges US industrial and technological dominance. Trump era policies of export controls, investment screening, and technology restrictions therefore serve not only “security” but also the attempt to stop the global power shift towards China. The strategy relies on building a new class alliance of industrial, energy, defense, and technology capital. The emphasis that the US should “never be dependent on any foreign power for basic inputs necessary for its defense or economy” (p. 13) shows that the dependencies created by globalization are now considered untenable. The new orientation does not reject global trade outright (nor can it), but it places it within a hierarchical framework that is even more subordinate to the state’s strategic priorities. The security strategy explicitly prioritizes the profits of American corporations, access to strategic natural resources, technological dominance (AI, quantum computing), and increasing industrial capacity. “National security” is openly equated with the competitiveness of US capital. This doctrine, which places economic security at the center and openly acknowledges strategic competition, is among the clearest political expressions of the current contradictions of capitalism.
Middle East and Europe
In the Middle East too, the US is attempting to maintain its hegemonic role; Control over energy sources, trade routes, and the security of Israel remain key objectives. “The energy resources in the Gulf must not fall into enemy hands, the Strait of Hormuz must remain open, the Red Sea must remain navigable, the region must not be a breeding ground or export market for terrorism against US interests, and the security of Israel must be guaranteed,” the document states (p. 28). From this, it can be concluded that the US will not reduce its military, political, or diplomatic capabilities in the Middle East, even though it is emphasized that the Middle East will no longer be the primary focus. Through the weakening of Iran and the war in Palestine, US imperialism has already achieved many of its goals in the region.
While the strategy continues to define Europe as an ally, the relationship is no longer legitimized by shared values or free trade, but rather by cost-sharing and concrete economic benefits. The document explicitly calls on Europe to open its markets to US goods and services (p. 27) and supplements this with an emphasis on “fair treatment of American workers and companies” (p. 27). This shift demonstrates that, from the US perspective, Europe is no longer a strategically equal partner, but rather an economic and geopolitical space to be redefined under conditions of global competition. With regard to Europe, the paper warns of a “possible collapse of civilization” (p. 25). The migration policies of European states are openly denounced, and the far right-wing forces of Europe are supported. “[…] The growing influence of patriotic European parties is indeed a good reason for great optimism” (p. 26), the paper states. All of this puts the bourgeois parties of Europe, and especially Germany, under pressure. For the European bourgeoisie, this means increasing pressure to adapt. This means rearmament, social cutbacks, and intensified right-wing agitation on an even more aggressive scale.
Latin America: Return to overt violence
The economic focus of the strategy is to prioritize regions that benefit domestic industry and to “ditch” those considered a liability to US industry. One of these regions considered beneficial for domestic industry is the Americas, particularly Latin America, as it provides the mineral resources and raw materials needed for industrial production and also represents a market for manufactured US products. Trump has never made a secret of his interest in Venezuela’s oil resources, Canada’s and Greenland’s rare earth elements, and the Panama Canal.
Venezuela is already militarily encircled (and has now been invaded). Under the pretext of the “war on drugs,” Trump ordered the sinking of over 120 Venezuelan-flagged vessels. A US naval fleet has been deployed to the Caribbean, accompanied by cruisers, destroyers, 1,200 missiles, amphibious and supply ships, a nuclear-capable submarine, and a significant air force concentration. Trump declared Maduro a “narco-terrorist.” The drug trade and mass migration, both created by the US itself, are being used in this process both to fuel domestic nationalism and mobilize support for the Trump administration’s policies, and as leverage in all negotiations with Latin American states. The United States will further expand its military presence in South America to counter China’s growing influence in Latin America, particularly in Venezuela and Cuba, but also across the wider region. Other countries are expected to be drawn into the U.S. sphere of influence too through methods such as coercion, bombing, regime change, attempted coups, blackmail, bilateral agreements, or the installation of puppet governments. Through these actions, U.S. imperialism will intensely exploit the region’s strategic resources and deepen the misery faced by the people of Latin America.
How consistently the Trump administration will adhere to this strategic document, and indeed can, will depend not only on the internal power struggles within the ruling class or the conflicts among the imperialists themselves. It will also be crucial whether the international working class and the peoples of the world can oppose the imperialist course of war with an organized, anti-imperialist counter-power.
Categories: Anti-War, Germany, International, U.S. News, Venezuela
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